Before we go to the meat of this post (House races!), I want to update my afternoon post on North Carolina polling because I’ll never cease to be amazed by national Democrats’ utter disdain for Marshall. Despite the fact that the Secretary of State is electable and that she would be a more reliable vote for Democrats than Cunningham if she joined the Senate, we now learn that Barack Obama has taken the time to call Cunningham, ensuring he gets covered as having the White House’s implicit support. (This is only the third primary I can think of in which Obama is getting involved with another goal than supporting the incumbent, the other two being NY-Gov and WI-Gov. Am I missing any?)
Hawaii special might be conducted by mail
Rep. Neil Abercrombie was hoping that leaving the House would help him campaigning in Hawaii’s gubernatorial race, but his decision could still come back to haunt him. The state’s Chief Elections Officer Kevin Cronin is insisting that the state has no money to organize a special election: the estimated cost is $2 million, a sum the Office of Elections cannot cover since it already facing a deficit. Abercrombie has already been facing criticism from state Democrats for leaving the state without representation and for endangering the party’s hold on the district, but his resignation’s financial burden should give his opponents powerful ammunition.
It is still unclear what will happen when Abercrombie does finalize his resignation in the coming weeks. Cronin hasn’t ruled out trying to delay the special election until the regularly scheduled September primary; that would seem to go against state law, but what does occur when state officials refuse to organize an election? Alternatively, a mail-in vote could be organized, i.e. voters would only be able to mail in their ballots; this system exists in Oregon, but can Hawaii effectively implement it in just a few months?
These discussions are only making more chaotic an already confused situation: The two Democrats who were already planning to run in next year’s race are not backing down from their plans to both run in the special election, which could help the sole Republican candidate score a pick-up since there will be no primary. In fact, former Rep. Case is already out with the election’s first TV ad. (I already pointed out last week that liberals will want to ensure Case’s defeat because he is far more conservative than is called for in a blue district. But I failed to mention that if he wins Case would be well placed to move up to the Senate once one of the state’s aging senators retires, and it would be quite a blow to the left if Akaka or Inouye were replaced by a Lieberman ally.)
Herseth Sandlin retains a lead, but she is on shaky ground
Public Policy Polling tested South Dakota Rep. Stephanie Herseth Sandlin’s prospects of holding on to SD-AL. The good news for Herseth Sandlin: Unlike many other Democratic incumbents who represent tough territory, she doesn’t find herself trailing just any Republican she’s tested against. In fact, she leads a statewide official outside of the margin of error: Against Secretary of State Chris Nelson, she comes out ahead 46% to 39%. Also meaningful is the margin by which she crushes state Rep. Blake Curd 52% to 31%; Curd might be a low-profile opponent, but the bottom line is that voters aren’t rushing to support the GOP nominee and that more than half are willing to commit to supporting the incumbent.
On the other hand, those results also reveal that Herseth Sandlin’s standing is shaky. Not only is she under 50% in her match-up with Nelson, but the Secretary of State’s name recognition is a surprisingly low 41%, which means he has more room to grow than his title might suggest. Furthermore, Herseth Sandlin’s approval rating stands at 49-38, which is not particularly impressive for a state like South Dakota that tends to prize its incumbents. In short, Herseth Sandlin remains favored as she enters 2010 but she certainly has a competitive race on her hand; that’s quite a change of fortunes for someone who just a few months ago was considering seeking higher office.
In WA-03, both parties get their favored candidates
Of the four Dem-held seats that opened up in recent weeks, WA-03 is clearly the most competitive on paper (it swung from Bush to Obama in the past two elections) - and it looks like this will translate in a top-notch battle as both parties are getting some of the candidates they were hoping for. On the GOP side, the party’s standard-bearer could be 31-year old state Rep. Jaime Herrera; a protege of Rep. Cathy McMorris-Rogers, she served as an intern in the Bush White House. While she is certainly far younger than your average congressional candidate, she does appear to have enough political experience to be a strong candidate. It remains to be seen not only how easily she’ll coast to the nomination.
On the Democratic side, we are heading towards a primary between state Senator Craig Pridemore and state Rep. Deb Wallace; the latter is already in the race while the former is reportedly getting there. A third candidate has also jumped in the race: Maria Rodriguez Salazar, an activist and the former vice president for the League of United Latin American Citizens. All 3 candidates appear divided by stark ideological contrasts: Pridemore looks like he would be a mainstream Democrat while Wallace appears like she’d stay true to Baird’s legacy. As for Rodriguez Salazar, she’s introducing herself as a “conservative” and a “Blue Dog.”
This would be important in any primary, but potentially all the more so in WA-03: Local Democrats will want to pay special attention to electing a more reliable congressman than Brian Baird had become (he was a member of the New Democratic Coalition and a rare Democrat from an Obama district to oppose the health-care bill) and thus seize on this opportunity to push the House a bit to the left. My sense is that Pridemore starts as the favorite: Not only does he have a bigger geographic base, but his district contains a larger share of Democrats than Wallace’s, who’ll have to compete with Rodriguez Salazar for the centrist vote. Yet, much of this wil depends on how national Democrats and unions behave and on whether Emily’s List gets involved.

