Jim Tedisco has conceded the race, and Scott Murphy is heading to Washington.
As the number of uncounted ballots was dwindling, it was becoming mathematically impossible for the Republican to overtake Murphy’s lead. This is not a surprise: It was clear that Murphy had a decisive edge as soon as we learned the geographical and partisan breakdown of the district’s 7,000 absentee ballots. Tedisco’s decision to frivolously challenge hundreds of ballots only delayed the revelation of the magnitude of Murphy’s victory.
In fact, the situation had become so desperate for the GOP that I was led to wonder what they could possibly be looking to accomplish by prolonging the contest. My somewhat provocative answer was that Republicans had bigger fish to fry than Tedisco’s victory and that they were looking to set legal precedents that they could use in future elections - precedents about the eligibility of voters who own a second residence or the eligibility of voters who attent college. I myself thought I might be too eager to believe conspiracy theories, but it turns out I was right. From a Roll Call story published this morning:
The source said that Tedisco believes the residency issues that came up during absentee vote counting after the March 31 contest could have a bearing on future races in New York. As such, the source said, Tedisco wants to see those issues resolved before ending the legal battle.
Politico heard the same:
Republican sources said that the campaign’s legal approach to the absentee ballots is geared as much towards the 2010 elections as it is to help Tedisco win this particular election. The party has an interest in establishing the legal principle that the many dual-residency voters who live in New York City cannot vote elsewhere in the state – and a premature concession in the Tedisco race would prevent them from making their case.
A favorable court ruling could prove useful since the GOP hopes to target as many as six Democratic-held Upstate New York seats next year. Among the party’s leading targets are: Reps. John Hall, Michael Arcuri, Eric Massa and Dan Maffei– and Murphy too, assuming he ultimately prevails.
Murphy might be heading to Washington, but it looks like this is not the last we are hearing on residency requirements.
Tedisco’s concession completes a remarkable defense by Democrats. When Kirsten Gillibrand was tapped for Hillary Clinton’s Senate seat, the special election looked like a perfect opportunity for Republicans to regain some political footing. For one, there is no question that the Democrats’ bench was pathetically weak compared to the GOP’s. Second, Republicans were on a roll in elections scheduled since November (in Georgia, Louisiana or Northern Virginia). In short: After two cycles in which Republicans lost their standing in upstate New York, they were favored to pick-up NY-20.
But the campaign did not unfold as the GOP was hoping for. Tedisco was forced on the defensive by refusing to take position on the stimulus and he was lambasted in the local press for weeks; when he finally declared that he would have voted against the bill, it only put him at odds with the majority of voters, who approved Obama’s economic policies. Republicans (and pundits like Rothenberg) thought that Murphy declaring his opposition to the death penalty would cost him, as if an issue that has become so low-profile (especially in New York) could outweigh voters’ economic concerns in the current crisis.
That Murphy barely won should not obscure the fact that he was considered an underdog throughout the campaign. Sure, he was never expected to lose by 20% - the margin found by the first polls; the district was competitive enough and the DCCC was going to invest enough that no one doubted that the gap would narrow. Yet, national Republicans got far more involved in the district than did national Democrats - a clear sign that they expected to do well - and this is a humiliating finish for RNC Chairman Michael Steele, who intended to present NY-20 as the first step towards reconquering power.
(It is doubtful Steele will be much endangered by this result, however: News that the RNC had significantly outraised the DNC over the first quarter of 2009 should allow him to save himself by pointing out that he has at least been successful at the first duty of a party chairman.)
At the end of the day, the equilibrium barely changed since November - 51% for Obama, slightly more than 50% for Murphy - and that’s good news for Democrats since that equilibrium was that of a large Democratic victory nationwide. The GOP remains far below the support it used to enjoy in the district while Democrats managed to keep the support of voters they seduced in 2006 and in 2008 - an achievement considering that circumstances were very favorable for Democrats over those two cycles.
Sure, Democrats missed an opportunity to prove that voters were being drawn in by Obama’s presidency and that the party was only growing further - but how much more could have been expected from a political novice with far lower name recognition than Jim Tedisco, the state Assembly’s Minority Leader? (In fact, Tedisco kept it this close by overperforming in Saratoga County, which he represents in the legislature.)
With Murphy replacing Gillibrand, the balance of power does not change: Democrats will control 257 seats, Republicans 178 - 40 seats away from a majority. In retrospect, Murphy’s victory could be remembered as the final chapter of the GOP’s nightmarish collapse - or the first chapter of the Democratic Party’s growth under President Obama.


